2020年7月31日 星期五

John Lewis, Towering Figure of Civil Rights Era, Dies at 80 美國民權運動先驅 約翰·劉易斯逝世


"John Lewis devoted his time on this Earth fighting the very attacks on democracy, and what's best in America, that we're seeing circulate right now,” says President Barack Obama while eulogizing late Rep. John Lewis.
"He knew that every single one of us has a God-given power and that the fate of this democracy depends on how we use it."


• 美國民權運動先驅 約翰·劉易斯逝世 ,享年80歲。他曾是學生非暴力協調委員會的創始人,領導了一系列針對公共設施種族隔離的示威活動,他在爭取黑人投票權的遊行中被毆打的遭遇促使“選舉權法”迅速通過,進入政壇後被稱為美國國會的良心。








美国民权运动领袖、国会议员约翰·刘易斯的悼念仪式25日在他的家乡阿拉巴马州特洛伊的特洛伊大学举行。刘易斯是美国民权运动先驱,曾经和马丁·路德·金博士密切合作。刘易斯1986年在乔治亚州当选国会众议员,开始了他的政治生涯。2020年7月17日刘易斯因胰腺癌去世,享年80岁。
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【美國傳奇民權領袖John Lewis逝世 曾拍片支持香港抗爭】
去年十月在香港反送中運動期間,曾經拍片讚揚香港示威者堅守信念的美國傳奇民權領袖 John Lewis 上週五病逝。記得他當時對香港人說,自己曾經試過被痛打、被拘捕、多次入獄,但現在社會已經變得不一樣,鼓勵香港人不要放棄。無可否認,John Lewis 一生提醒眾人美國黑人族群被壓迫的歷史,以及他們在爭取自由路上所付出的血與汗。
John Lewis 聲望顯赫,在美國政界地的地位早已超越派系鬥爭,如路透社剛剛盤點公開致哀的重量級政治人物*:前總統奧巴馬(Barack Obama)、小布殊(George W. Bush)及克林頓(Bill Clinton);現任總統特朗普(Donald Trump)及副總統彭斯(Mike Pence);民主黨總統候選人拜登(Joe Biden);眾議院議長佩洛西(Nancy Pelosi);參議院多數黨領袖麥康奈爾(Mitch McConnell)等等。
其中我在 Twitter 的一則留言使我也有幸被納入為15位榜單中唯一一位非美國政治人物,更突顯了香港抗爭者的聲音,在目前政治局勢中受到高度關注,甚至在全球抗爭運動中佔據一個重要的位置。百萬香港人無懼極權暴政,甚至《國安法》下仍然敢於參與初選力求發聲,從而贏得到國際社會的敬佩及尊重。
回顧 John Lewis 一生,對經歷反送中的香港人看來,相當有共鳴。在1960年代,他是「學生非暴力協調委員會」(Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee)的主席,並在當時相當嚴重的種族歧視和警察暴力中勇敢地抗爭,尤其是在非常保守的南部地區。
在1963年8月28日由幾十萬人參與的「向華盛頓的偉大進軍」(Great March on Washington)是美國民權歷史上其中一場最標誌性的遊行,也是馬丁路德金(Martin Luther King Jr.)在林肯記念碑前發表 “I Have a Dream” 此舉世聞名演說的場合。John Lewis 就是組織此集會的「六大領袖」中最年輕的那位。如今他們都已經逝世,但所作的貢獻卻繼續影響每位美國人。
後來 John Lewis 繼續投入政治,1986年起,他成功當選代表喬治亞州的議員並一直連任,持續抗爭,不因成為了「尊貴議員」而怠慢了身為民權先驅的責任。在數十年的抗爭中,他一共被捕45次,最近一次是在2013年時因抗議美國的移民政策而在國會山莊附近堵路,在七十多歲的高齡被鎖上手扣帶走。
奧巴馬的聲明如此形容 John Lewis:「在過去數十年,他不但為自由和民主付出所有,更啟發了一代又一代的人以他作榜樣」(And through the decades, he not only gave all of himself to the cause of freedom and justice, but inspired generations that followed to try to live up to his example)。這個正好說明了他在美國民權運動中舉足輕重的歷史地位。
一位領袖不單止能夠鼓舞人心,他的故事更會流傳後世,繼續啟發人民對抗不義暴政。在同樣被壓逼的情況下,香港人或許可以透過 John Lewis 的故事作為窗口,加深對民權運動及種族平權議題的認識,從而與世界Connect。


John Lewis, Towering Figure of Civil Rights Era, Dies at 80
Images of his beating at Selma shocked the nation and led to swift passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act.
He carried a mantle of moral authority into Congress.







Tributes pour in for the civil rights icon who represented Atlanta for 30 years in Washington, DC.


ALJAZEERA.COM

Atlanta lowers flags indefinitely to honour John Lewis Tributes pour in for the civil rights icon who represented Atlanta for 3






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John Lewis, Towering Figure of Civil Rights Era, Dies at 80

Images of his beating at Selma shocked the nation and led to swift passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. He was later called the conscience of the Congress.


Credit...Andrea Mohin



By Katharine Q. Seelye
July 17, 2020


Representative John Lewis, a son of sharecroppers and an apostle of nonviolence who was bloodied at Selma and across the Jim Crow South in the historic struggle for racial equality, and who then carried a mantle of moral authority into Congress, died on Friday. He was 80.

His death was confirmed in a statement by Nancy Pelosi, the speaker of the House of Representatives.

Mr. Lewis, a Georgia Democrat, announced on Dec. 29 that he had Stage 4 pancreatic cancer and vowed to fight it with the same passion with which he had battled racial injustice. “I have been in some kind of fight — for freedom, equality, basic human rights — for nearly my entire life,” he said.

On the front lines of the bloody campaign to end Jim Crow laws, with blows to his body and a fractured skull to prove it, Mr. Lewis was a valiant stalwart of the civil rights movement and the last surviving speaker from the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963.

More than a half-century later, after the killing in May of George Floyd, a Black man in police custody in Minneapolis, Mr. Lewis welcomed the resulting global demonstrations against police killings of Black people and, more broadly, against systemic racism in many corners of society. He saw those protests as a continuation of his life’s work, though his illness had left him to watch from the sidelines.


“It was very moving, very moving to see hundreds of thousands of people from all over America and around the world take to the streets — to speak up, to speak out, to get into what I call ‘good trouble,’” Mr. Lewis told “CBS This Morning” in June.

“This feels and looks so different,” he said of the Black Lives Matter movement, which drove the anti-racism demonstrations. “It is so much more massive and all inclusive.” He added, “There will be no turning back.”

He died on the same day as did another civil rights stalwart, the Rev. C.T. Vivian, a close associate of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

Mr. Lewis’s personal history paralleled that of the civil rights movement. He was among the original 13 Freedom Riders, the Black and white activists who challenged segregated interstate travel in the South in 1961. He was a founder and early leader of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, which coordinated lunch-counter sit-ins. He helped organize the March on Washington, where Dr. King was the main speaker, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial.

Mr. Lewis led demonstrations against racially segregated restrooms, hotels, restaurants, public parks and swimming pools, and he rose up against other indignities of second-class citizenship. At nearly every turn he was beaten, spat upon or burned with cigarettes. He was tormented by white mobs and absorbed body blows from law enforcement.

On March 7, 1965, he led one of the most famous marches in American history. In the vanguard of 600 people demanding the voting rights they had been denied, Mr. Lewis marched partway across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Ala., into a waiting phalanx of state troopers in riot gear.

Ordered to disperse, the protesters silently stood their ground. The troopers responded with tear gas and bullwhips and rubber tubing wrapped in barbed wire. In the melee, which came to be known as Bloody Sunday, a trooper cracked Mr. Lewis’s skull with a billy club, knocking him to the ground, then hit him again when he tried to get up.




ImageJohn Lewis, foreground, being beaten by a state trooper during the voting rights march in Selma, Ala., on March 7, 1965.Credit...Associated Press


Televised images of the beatings of Mr. Lewis and scores of others outraged the nation and galvanized support for the Voting Rights Act, which President Lyndon B. Johnson presented to a joint session of Congress eight days later and signed into law on Aug. 6. A milestone in the struggle for civil rights, the law struck down the literacy tests that Black people had been compelled to take before they could register to vote and replaced segregationist voting registrars with federal registrars to ensure that Black people were no longer denied the ballot.

Once registered, millions of African-Americans began transforming politics across the South. They gave Jimmy Carter, a son of Georgia, his margin of victory in the 1976 presidential election. (A popular poster proclaimed, “Hands that once picked cotton now can pick a president.”) And their voting power opened the door for Black people, including Mr. Lewis, to run for public office. Elected in 1986, he became the second African-American to be sent to Congress from Georgia since Reconstruction, representing a district that encompassed much of Atlanta.
‘Conscience of the Congress’

While Mr. Lewis represented Atlanta, his natural constituency was disadvantaged people everywhere. Known less for sponsoring major legislation than for his relentless pursuit of justice, he was called “the conscience of the Congress” by his colleagues.

When the House voted in December 2019 to impeach President Trump, Mr. Lewis’s words rose above the rest. “When you see something that is not right, not just, not fair, you have a moral obligation to say something,” he said on the House floor. “To do something. Our children and their children will ask us, ‘What did you do? What did you say?’ For some, this vote may be hard. But we have a mission and a mandate to be on the right side of history.”


His words resonated as well after he saw the video of a Minneapolis police officer kneeling on Mr. Floyd’s neck for more than eight minutes as Mr. Floyd gasped for air.

“It was so painful, it made me cry,” Mr. Lewis told “CBS This Morning.” “People now understand what the struggle was all about,” he said. “It’s another step down a very, very long road toward freedom, justice for all humankind.”




Image
Mr. Lewis, third from left, marching with the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., right, from Selma to Montgomery, Ala., on March 21, 1961.Credit...William Lovelace/Daily Express, via Getty Images


When he was younger, his words could be more militant. History remembers the March on Washington for Dr. King’s “I Have a Dream” speech, but Mr. Lewis startled and energized the crowd with his own passion.

“By the force of our demands, our determination and our numbers,” he told the cheering throng that August day, “we shall splinter the segregated South into a thousand pieces and put them together in the image of God and democracy. We must say: ‘Wake up, America. Wake up!’ For we cannot stop, and we will not and cannot be patient.”

His original text was more blunt. “We will march through the South, through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did,” he had written. President John F. Kennedy’s civil rights bill was “too little, too late,” he had written, demanding, “Which side is the federal government on?”

But Dr. King and other elders — Mr. Lewis was just 23 — worried that those first-draft passages would offend the Kennedy administration, which they felt they could not alienate in their drive for federal action on civil rights. They told him to tone down the speech.

Still, the crowd, estimated at more than 200,000, roared with approval at his every utterance.

An earnest man who lacked the silver tongue of other civil rights orators, Mr. Lewis could be pugnacious, tenacious and single-minded, and he led with a force that commanded attention.




Image
Mr. Lewis and a fellow Freedom Rider, James Zwerg, after they were attacked by segregationists in Montgomery, Ala., in May 1961.Credit...Bettmann/Corbis


He gained a reputation for having an almost mystical faith in his own survivability. One civil rights activist who knew him well told The New York Times in 1976: “Some leaders, even the toughest, would occasionally finesse a situation where they knew they were going to get beaten or jailed. John never did that. He always went full force into the fray.”

Mr. Lewis was arrested 40 times from 1960 to 1966. He was repeatedly beaten senseless by Southern policemen and freelance hoodlums. During the Freedom Rides in 1961, he was left unconscious in a pool of his own blood outside the Greyhound Bus Terminal in Montgomery, Ala., after he and others were attacked by hundreds of white people. He spent countless days and nights in county jails and 31 days in Mississippi’s notoriously brutal Parchman Penitentiary.

Once he was in Congress, Mr. Lewis voted with the most liberal Democrats, though he also showed an independent streak. In his quest to build what Dr. King called “the beloved community” — a world without poverty, racism or war (Mr. Lewis adopted the phrase) — he routinely voted against military spending. He opposed the Persian Gulf war of 1991 and the North American Free Trade Agreement, which was signed in 1992. He refused to take part in the “Million Man March” in Washington in 1995, saying that statements made by the organizer, Louis Farrakhan, leader of the Nation of Islam, were “divisive and bigoted.”

In 2001, Mr. Lewis skipped the inauguration of George W. Bush, saying he thought that Mr. Bush, who had become president after the Supreme Court halted a vote recount in Florida, had not been truly elected.

In 2017 he boycotted Mr. Trump’s inauguration, questioning the legitimacy of his presidency because of evidence that Russia had meddled in the 2016 election on Mr. Trump’s behalf.

That earned him a derisive Twitter post from the president: “Congressman John Lewis should spend more time on fixing and helping his district, which is in horrible shape and falling apart (not to mention crime infested) rather than falsely complaining about the election results. All talk, talk, talk — no action or results. Sad!”

Mr. Trump’s attack marked a sharp detour from the respect that had been accorded Mr. Lewis by previous presidents, including, most recently, Barack Obama. Mr. Obama awarded Mr. Lewis the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor, in 2011.




Image
President Barack Obama was joined by Mr. Lewis in Selma, Ala., in 2015 to observe the 50th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times


In bestowing the honor in a White House ceremony, Mr. Obama said: “Generations from now, when parents teach their children what is meant by courage, the story of John Lewis will come to mind — an American who knew that change could not wait for some other person or some other time; whose life is a lesson in the fierce urgency of now.”
To His Family, ‘Preacher’

John Robert Lewis grew up with all the humiliations imposed by segregated rural Alabama. He was born on Feb. 21, 1940, to Eddie and Willie Mae (Carter) Lewis near the town of Troy on a sharecropping farm owned by a white man. After his parents bought their own farm — 110 acres for $300 — John, the third of 10 children, shared in the farm work, leaving school at harvest time to pick cotton, peanuts and corn. Their house had no plumbing or electricity. In the outhouse, they used the pages of an old Sears catalog as toilet paper.

John was responsible for taking care of the chickens. He fed them and read to them from the Bible. He baptized them when they were born and staged elaborate funerals when they died.

“I was truly intent on saving the little birds’ souls,” he wrote in his memoir, “Walking With the Wind” (1998). “I could imagine that they were my congregation. And me, I was a preacher.”

His family called him “Preacher,” and becoming one seemed to be his destiny. He drew inspiration by listening to a young minister named Martin Luther King on the radio and reading about the 1955-56 Montgomery bus boycott. He finally wrote a letter to Dr. King, who sent him a round-trip bus ticket to visit him in Montgomery, in 1958.

By then, Mr. Lewis had begun his studies at American Baptist Theological Seminary (now American Baptist College) in Nashville, where he worked as a dishwasher and janitor to pay for his education.

In Nashville, Mr. Lewis met many of the civil rights activists who would stage the lunch counter sit-ins, Freedom Rides and voter registration campaigns. They included the Rev. James M. Lawson Jr., who was one of the nation’s most prominent scholars of civil disobedience and who led workshops on Gandhi and nonviolence. He mentored a generation of civil rights organizers, including Mr. Lewis.




Image
Mr. Lewis, right, and a fellow student demonstrator, James Bevel, stood inside the door of a Nashville restaurant in 1960 during a sit-in to protest the establishment’s refusal to serve Black people.Credit...Jack Corn/The Tennessean, via USA Today Network


Mr. Lewis’s first arrest came in February 1960, when he and other students demanded service at whites-only lunch counters in Nashville. It was the first prolonged battle of the movement that evolved into the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.

David Halberstam, then a reporter for The Nashville Tennessean, later described the scene: “The protests had been conducted with exceptional dignity, and gradually one image had come to prevail — that of elegant, courteous young Black people, holding to their Gandhian principles, seeking the most elemental of rights, while being assaulted by young white hoodlums who beat them up and on occasion extinguished cigarettes on their bodies.”

In three months, after repeated well-publicized sit-ins, the city’s political and business communities gave in to the pressure, and Nashville became the first major Southern city to begin desegregating public facilities.

But Mr. Lewis lost his family’s good will. When his parents learned that he had been arrested in Nashville, he wrote, they were ashamed. They had taught him as a child to accept the world as he found it. When he asked them about signs saying “Colored Only,” they told him, “That’s the way it is, don’t get in trouble.”

But as an adult, he said, after he met Dr. King and Rosa Parks, whose refusal to give up her bus seat to a white man was a flash point for the civil rights movement, he was inspired to “get into trouble, good trouble, necessary trouble.”

Getting into “good trouble” became his motto for life. A documentary film, “John Lewis: Good Trouble,” was released this month.

Despite the disgrace he had brought on his family, he felt that he had been “involved in a holy crusade” and that getting arrested had been “a badge of honor,” he said in a 1979 oral history interview housed at Washington University in St. Louis.

In 1961, when he graduated from the seminary, he joined a Freedom Ride organized by the Congress of Racial Equality, known as CORE. He and others were beaten bloody when they tried to enter a whites-only waiting room at the bus station in Rock Hill, S.C. Later, he was jailed in Birmingham, Ala., and beaten again in Montgomery, where several others were badly injured and one was paralyzed for life.

“If there was anything I learned on that long, bloody bus trip of 1961,” he wrote in his memoir, “it was this — that we were in for a long, bloody fight here in the American South. And I intended to stay in the middle of it.”


At the same time, a schism in the movement was opening between those who wanted to express their rage and fight back and those who believed in pressing on with nonviolence. Mr. Lewis chose nonviolence.




Image
Mr. Lewis in June 1967. He had been “involved in a holy crusade,” he later said, and getting arrested had been “a badge of honor.”Credit...Sam Falk/The New York Times

Overridden by ‘Black Power’

But by the time of the urban race riots of the 1960s, particularly in the Watts section of Los Angeles in 1965, many Black people had rejected nonviolence in favor of direct confrontation. Mr. Lewis was ousted as chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in 1966 and replaced by the fiery Stokely Carmichael, who popularized the phrase “Black power.”

Mr. Lewis spent a few years out of the limelight. He headed the Voter Education Project, registering voters, and finished his bachelor’s degree in religion and philosophy at Fisk University in Nashville in 1967.

During this period he met Lillian Miles, a librarian, teacher and former Peace Corps volunteer. She was outgoing and political and could quote Dr. King’s speeches verbatim. They were married in 1968, and she became one of his closest political advisers.

She died in 2012. Mr. Lewis’s survivors include several siblings and his son, John-Miles Lewis.

Mr. Lewis made his first attempt at running for office in 1977, an unsuccessful bid for Congress. He won a seat on the Atlanta City Council in 1981, and in 1986 he ran again for the House. It was a bitter race that pitted against each other two civil rights figures, Mr. Lewis and Julian Bond, a friend and former close associate of his in the movement. The charismatic Mr. Bond, more articulate and polished than Mr. Lewis, was the perceived favorite.

“I want you to think about sending a workhorse to Washington, and not a show horse,” Mr. Lewis said during a debate. “I want you to think about sending a tugboat and not a showboat.”

Mr. Lewis won in an upset, with 52 percent of the vote. His support came from Atlanta’s white precincts and from working-class and poor Black voters who felt more comfortable with him than with Mr. Bond, though Mr. Bond won the majority of Black voters.


Not surprisingly, Mr. Lewis’s long congressional career was marked by protests. He was arrested in Washington several times, including outside the South African Embassy for demonstrating against apartheid and at Sudan’s Embassy while protesting genocide in Darfur.

In 2010 he supported Mr. Obama’s health care bill, a divisive measure that drew angry protesters, including many from the right-wing Tea Party, to the Capitol. Some demonstrators shouted obscenities and racial slurs at Mr. Lewis and other members of the Congressional Black Caucus.

“They were shouting, sort of harassing,” Mr. Lewis told reporters at the time. “But it’s OK. I’ve faced this before.”




Image
Mr. Lewis with other members of Congress staging a sit-in on the floor of the House of Representatives in June 2016, demanding that the Republican-led body vote on gun control legislation after the Orlando nightclub massacre. Credit...Office of Representative Elizabeth Esty, via Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


In 2016, after a massacre at an Orlando, Fla., nightclub left 49 people dead, he led a sit-in on the House floor to protest federal inaction on gun control. The demonstration drew the support of 170 lawmakers, but Republicans dismissed it as a publicity stunt and squelched any legislative action.

Through it all, the events of Bloody Sunday were never far from his mind, and every year Mr. Lewis traveled to Selma to commemorate its anniversary. Over time, he watched attitudes change. At the ceremony in 1998, Joseph T. Smitherman, who had been Selma’s segregationist mayor in 1965 and was still mayor — though a repentant one — gave Mr. Lewis a key to the city.

“Back then, I called him an outside rabble-rouser,” Mr. Smitherman said of Mr. Lewis. “Today, I call him one of the most courageous people I ever met.”


Mr. Lewis was a popular speaker at college commencements and always offered the same advice — that the graduates get into “good trouble,” as he had done against his parents’ wishes.




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Mr. Lewis in 2017. “Our struggle is not the struggle of a day, a week, a month, or a year,” he said, “it is the struggle of a lifetime.”Credit...Al Drago/The New York Times


He put it this way on Twitter in 2018:

“Do not get lost in a sea of despair. Be hopeful, be optimistic. Our struggle is not the struggle of a day, a week, a month, or a year, it is the struggle of a lifetime. Never, ever be afraid to make some noise and get in good trouble, necessary trouble.”

Appeals Court Erases Order to End Michael Flynn Case, Sets New Arguments Appeals Court Erases Order to End Michael Flynn Case, Sets New Arguments


Appeals Court Erases Order to End Michael Flynn Case, Sets New Arguments

Appeals Court Erases Order to End Michael Flynn Case, Sets New Arguments

By Charlie Savage
The decision means that the legal saga over the criminal charge against President Trump’s former national security adviser will continue.

2020年7月29日 星期三

U.S. drawdown in Germany and shifting some around the continent. A promising glimpse into the future of manufacturing in the Midwest

U.S. drawdown in Germany: The United States is cutting nearly 12,000 troops in Germany and shifting some around the continent, including relocating some units to Belgium and Italy, Defense Secretary Mark Esper announced. About 6,400 troops will return to the U.S.

***
How an unusual connection with Germany helped Grand Rapids, Michigan, become “the most successful intensive manufacturing city in America”

2020年7月27日 星期一

美國各地數千人上街遊行,向波特蘭抗議者表達支持

• 美國多地爆發抗議活動 聯邦特工與抗議者在波特蘭發生的暴力衝突已持續數週,本週末,美國各地數千人上街遊行,向波特蘭抗議者表達支持。在西雅圖,有抗議者砸壞窗戶並放火,警方施放胡椒噴霧,並突然衝擊人群,將人們撞倒在地。在奧斯汀遊行過程中發生的一起槍擊事件導致一名男性死亡。

2020年7月23日 星期四

Communist China and the Free World’s Future - United States Department of State美國國務卿Pompeo 彭佩奧: 中國是“我們時代的主要威脅” :Beijing’s Tightrope: Stand Tough, but Avoid a Full Rupture With the U.S.






美國國務卿蓬佩奧周四於尼克森總統圖書館發表名為「共產中國與自由世界的未來」的演說:「現在是自由國家採取行動的時候了。不是每個國家都會以同樣的方式應對中國,他們也不應該如此;每個國家都必須自己悟出如何保護自己的主權、如何保護自己的經濟繁榮,以及如何保護其理念不被中共的觸角染指,但我呼籲每一個國家的每一位領導人開始做美國已經在做的事情——那就是堅持中共的對等互惠及透明行事,並問責中共。他們是一小群統治者,並非牢不可破。這些簡單但強而有力的標準將會產生長遠的成效。我們長久以來讓中共制定來往條件,但我們決定不再這麼做了,自由國家必須設定基調,我們必須在同樣的原則上運作。」
"It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nat……
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法國世界報美國對中國採取前所未有的措施,中美關係惡化進入新階段



美國對中國採取強硬路線,中美緊張關係出現了“前所未有的升級”,這是周四下午出版的法國世界報在其國際版面刊出的一個醒目標題。由吉爾·巴黎斯(Gilles Paris)和西蒙·勒普拉特(Simon Leplâtre)共同撰寫的文章寫道,7月22日星期三,隨著美國關閉中國駐休斯敦領事館,中美關係的惡化上升到了一個新的階段。位於得克薩斯州的中國駐休斯敦領事館是中國在美國土地上的五個領事館之一,美國關閉中國領事館,是1979年中美兩國建交以來美國第一次採取這樣的措施,這一前所未有的措施讓中美關係的惡化上升到了一個新的階段。

文章指出,美國關閉中國駐休斯敦領事館的消息首先來自北京。當領事館院子裡因焚燒文件而出現的火苗讓人們詢問怎麼回事的時候,中國民族主義報紙《全球時報》的總編胡錫進第一個在推特上說,華盛頓當局給了中國三天的時間離開這裡。
中國官方也很快就做出了反應。中國外交部發言人汪文斌在每日例行新聞發布會上說:“美國單方面做出的、在有限的時間內關閉休斯敦領事館的決定,是美國最近對中國所採取措施的空前升級。”
美國國務院發言人摩根·奧塔格斯(Morgan Ortagus)則說,做出這一決定的原因,“是為了保護美國知識產權和美國人的私人信息”,長期以來;不論是哪屆美國政府,華盛頓都指責北京從事間諜活動。
美國外交政策的“鷹派”人物、美國參議院情報委員會的共和黨籍主席盧比奧(Marco Rubio)稱,中國駐休斯敦領事館是“中共在美國的龐大間諜網絡和影響力網絡的心臟。”他補充說,關閉它是“很久以前”就應該做出的決定。
根據路透社的報導,美國的這一決定有可能會導致中國關閉美國駐武漢領事館作為報復。中國外交部此外也已經宣布,如果華盛頓堅持這一決定,中國則將採取“堅決的反制措施”。
世界報刊出的文章表示,被稱之為是新的冷戰的、中美兩個超級強國之間的衝突,在不斷的擴大。而且,經濟,海上野心,在5G網絡上的世界霸權地位等等,一切都在讓兩個超級強國之間的衝突繼續下去。
美國總統首先在2018年1月發起了敵對行動,特朗普通過反擊中國的長期被譴責行為而發起了貿易戰。特朗普長期以來一直指責中國操縱貨幣以增加出口,但他最終還是專注於兩國之間的貿易不平衡,毫無保留地使用關稅這個武器,就此,無論特朗普說什麼,最後都是美國消費者買單的。
在中美關係緊張的同時,由於中國當局在香港的地位以及維吾爾族穆斯林少數族裔的命運問題上,實施強硬路線,導緻美國國會加大了製裁的力度,而且,不論是在香港問題上還是在維吾爾人問題上,在美國,都是民主黨和共和黨,兩個政黨都以壓倒性的多數要求制裁北京。
美國副總統彭斯早在2018年10月就對中國政權的性質進行了猛烈的攻擊。彭斯譴責中國政權是“無與倫比的監視國家,且經常在美國技術的幫助下,越演越烈,變得更具侵入性”,彭斯還譴責中國政權是“奧威爾式”的政權,旨在控制“人類活動的各個方面”。彭斯是一位熱烈的福音派基督徒,他在講話中還專門提到了北京“對基督徒,佛教徒和穆斯林的鎮壓浪潮”。
這種意識形態上的譴責最初是孤立的,現在在美國政府內部已經是司空見慣了。美國國務卿彭佩奧總是用“中共”這個詞來指代北京當局。他在2019年10月表示:“忽略我們兩個體制之間的根本差異以及它們對美國國家安全的影響,已不再現實。”兩個月後,彭佩奧在描述中國時又說,中國是“我們時代的主要威脅”。


"Today, China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else," Pompeo said."If the free world doesn't change Communist China, Communist China will change us," he said.